_“Large-scale problems do not require large-scale solutions; they require small-scale solutions within a large-scale framework.” - David Fleming _
Small is beautiful’ is a philosophy that favours small shops and restaurants rather than enormous supermarkets and chains; small farms and smallholdings rather than huge monoculture agribusiness; local businesses and mutual credit networks rather than multinational corporations and banks, and so on.
The reasoning is that the scale of large businesses subverts democracy, damages nature, provides unfulfilling work and blandness instead of uniqueness. ‘Small is Beautiful’ was the title of a 1973 book by E. F. Schumacher, who went on to found the Intermediate Technology Development Group (now Practical Action), helping to set up small enterprises in poor countries.
The introduction of plantations and factories, producing for multinational corporations, into those countries destroys small farms and businesses and forces people into grindingly boring, unskilled and exhausting work for very little money, with profits exported out of the country. The scale means that they are capital-intensive rather than labour-intensive, which means that small businesses can’t compete when it comes to the capital investment required, and that millions of small farmers are forced off their land and into urban slums and unemployment.
Criticisms of specific industries are often actually criticisms of scale. For example, the corporate meat industry is a problem, but a few animals on a smallholding isn’t; local, small-scale anaerobic digestion is fine, the giant AD industry isn’t.
‘Distributism’ was an early 20th-century movement urging that wealth and power be spread thinly through society, not concentrated in corporations or the state. In capitalism, the ‘means of production’ (land, tools, factories, offices, machinery etc.) are mainly owned by large businesses, and under socialism, the means of production are mainly (or completely) owned by the state. In a distributist society, everyone owns the means of production, either individually, or in partnership / co-operatively with other people.
So small farmers own their land and equipment, self-employed plumbers own their tools, shopkeepers own their premises, small manufacturers own their machinery etc. It’s not about redistributing wealth, it's about redistributing ownership of the means of production, so that people can generate their own wealth.
Distributism actually has conservative (and Catholic) roots. In 1891, Pope Leo XIII issued a statement, the Rerum Novarum, that criticised both communism and unrestricted capitalism, and stressed the need to spread the ownership of property thinly. In the first half of the 20th century, G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc (both Catholic, but influenced by the growing co-operative movement in Britain) turned it into a political movement. Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement came on board in the middle of the century, along with socialists who were unimpressed with developments in Stalin’s Soviet Union.
The ‘smallist’ message to the left is that collective ownership of the means of production works well on the small, local scale, where people know each other (co-ops, commons etc.), but not at the large scale because trust is lost, it becomes overly bureaucratic, alliances are made with big business, and it can end up concentrating power in very few hands.
The message to the right is that private ownership of the means of production works well on the small, local scale (small businesses and shops, smallholdings, family firms, self-employment etc.) but not at the large scale - again, because it concentrates power.
Politically, it’s about the principle of subsidiarity – that decisions should be made at the lowest, most local level that can deal with them. That’s it – it’s not about destroying competition or the market. The opposite of competition is not co-operation or collectivism, it’s monopoly.
‘Giantism’ can’t happen without state intervention. As a company grows, internal bureaucracy and communication channels become further removed from the market, and they become inefficient and slow to react compared to small companies. Plus their distribution networks get bigger, with higher transport costs. The state helps large institutions to externalise their internal inefficiencies and costs, so that the taxpayer ends up paying for the things that are labelled ‘economies of scale’.
The taxpayer pays for the roads, high-speed rail, airports and communications to allow big business to spread; the military to help them force their way into other countries; the environmental costs, whether they can be cleaned up or not; education, health care and sickness pay for their workers; their research and development; and even for bailing them out if they fail. Also, compliance with growing state legislation is more burdensome for smaller organisations than for large ones.
The same tendency towards giant organisations happens in nationalised industries in more socialist-leaning countries, and even in the co-operative sector. The Co-op Bank would not have stumbled and been swallowed by a hedge fund if it had remained a federation of small co-op banks in every town, rather than merging into one giant institution. ‘Giantism’ produces the same problems whether corporate, state or co-operative.
Credit clearing and mutual credit are ways for trusted networks of small businesses to reduce their need for giant banks, or even money. They provide ways for local businesses to support each other, and to survive in times of economic crisis.
First, read Schumacher's seminal 1973 work, Small is Beautiful (free online or free pdf). There are many more sources of information online (search Schumacher or Small is Beautful); and you can support the principle with both your consumption and your production / work.
If small businesses are to prosper there has to be a body of people prepared to support them by buying what they’re offering, rather than giving money to the corporate sector. So:
With some products and services this will be difficult (cars, phones, laptops), but let’s do what we can now and see what develops. 3D printing may help obviate the need for large amounts of capital and huge factories.
Some production lends itself to the household scale (growing veg, keeping bees or chickens), and some to the community scale. For example, it makes much more sense for a community to support a bakery, potter, blacksmith etc, rather than individual households doing those things for themselves. For local consumption, there has to be a range of local, small businesses to consume from. So:
If you just want to escape the rat race right now, but don’t have the skills or the ideas to start your own business, then go WWOOFing. You could get new ideas, gain new skills and meet new people who could help you change direction.
You can do something for yourself first, then friends and family, and if you enjoy it (and are good at it), start to do it for your community. Consider trading via a local mutual credit network, where local producers commit to buy from each other (and if there isn’t one, contact us to talk about starting one).
We think it’s something we have to do ourselves. Governments are corporate-controlled, subsidise the corporate sector, ignore their tax avoidance, invite corporate leaders into government, accept their money, talk to their lobbyists, introduce corporate-friendly legislation, and bail them out with our money if they fail.
Ian Roderick is the director of The Schumacher Institute for Sustainable Systems in Bristol, UK. The institute is an independent fellowship that promotes systems thinking and the ideas of E. F. Schumacher, author of Small is Beautiful. Through the institute he has taken part in numerous research projects and consultancies, where a systems approach was always an important ingredient. He has given many talks on Schumacher and system thinking.
Date on Lowimpact:2014-03-24